From: "Lloyd Miller, Research Director" <lloyd@a-albionic.com>
Newsgroups: alt.activism,alt.conspiracy,alt.conspiracy.antichrist,alt.conspiracy.beyondweird,alt.conspiracy.black.helicopters,alt.conspiracy.new-world-order,alt.current-events.clinton,alt.discordia,alt.discordian,alt.extropians,alt.fan.rush-limbaugh,alt.li
Subject: RULES FOR CHANGING A REPUBLIC INTO A MONARCHY
Date: 31 Mar 1997 00:15:07 GMT
Lines: 409
Message-ID: <01bc3d68$ae177fc0$eb103b94@karenpoo>

----------
From: PawlRevere@aol.com
To: PawlRevere@aol.com
Subject: RULES FOR CHANGING A REPUBLIC INTO A MONARCHY
Date: Sunday, March 30, 1997 5:44 PM

RULES FOR CHANGING A REPUBLIC INTO A MONARCHY

by Philip Freneau

	Those who had opposed the Constitution thought their fears
justified by the conduct of the government that began to
function in 1789. Under the aggressive leadership of Alexander
Hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, economic measures were
taken that favored the few, while an effective party machine was
organized and the army strengthened in such a way as to suggest
an intent to control rather than to represent the many. The
whole tone of Washington's administration was aristocratic,
favoring as it did the educated, the wealthy, the clergy, and
the press, who were fearful of "mob rule" and preferred to see
what Hamilton called "gentlemen of principle and property" in
command. As Hamilton had at his service a newspaper --- John
Fenno's Gazette of the United States --- to support his
policies, his opponents, led by Jefferson and Madison, decided
to establish a rival newspaper, the National Gazette. Philip
Freneau, an experienced journalist of known democratic leanings,
was chosen to edit the paper. The editorial, reprinted here, is
typical of those in which Freneau criticized the Hamiltonian
program from 1791 to 1793. 

**************************************************

Rules for changing a limited republican government

into an unlimited hereditary one.

	 1. It being necessary, in order to effect the change, to get
rid of constitutional shackles and popular prejudices, all
possible means and occasions are to be used for both these
purposes.

	2. Nothing being more likely to prepare the vulgar mind for
aristocratical ranks and hereditary powers than titles, endeavor
in the offset of the government to confer these on its most
dignified officers. If the principle magistrate should happen to
be particularly venerable in the eyes of the people, take
advantage of that fortunate circumstance in setting the example.

	3. Should the attempt fail through his republican aversion to
it, or from the danger of alarming the people, do not abandon
the enterprise altogether, but lay up the proposition in record.
Time may gain it respect, and it will be there always ready, cut
and dried, for any favorable conjuncture that may offer.

	4. In drawing all bills, resolutions, and reports, keep
constantly in view that the limitations in the Constitution are
ultimately to be explained away. Precedents and phrases may thus
be shuffled in, without being adverted to by candid or weak
people, of which good use may afterward be made.

	5. As the novelty and bustle of inaugurating the government
will for some time keep the public mind in a heedless and
unsettled state, let the press during this period be busy in
propogating the doctrines of monarchy and aristocracy. For this
purpose it will be particularly useful to confound a mobbish
democracy with a representative republic, that by exhibiting all
the turbulent examples and enormities of the former, an odium
may be thrown on the character of the latter. Review all the
civil contests, convulsions, factions, broils, squabbles,
bickerings, black eyes, and bloody noses of ancient, middle, and
modern ages; caricature them into the most frightful forms and
colors that can be imagined; and unfold one scene of the
horrible tragedy after another till the people be made, if
possible, to tremble at their own shadows. Let the discourses on
Davila then contrast with these pictures of terror the quiet of
hereditary succession, the reverence claimed by birth and
nobility, and the fascinating influence of stars, and ribands,
and garters, cautiously suppressing all the bloody tragedies and
unceasing oppressions which form the history of this species of
government. No pains should be spared in this part of the
undertaking, for the greatest will be wanted, it being extremely
difficult, especially when a people have been taught to reason
and feel their rights, to convince them that a king, who is
always an enemy to the people, and a nobility, who are perhaps
still more so, will take better care of the people than the
people will take of themselves.

	6. But the grand nostrum will be a public debt, provided enough
of it can be got and it be medicated with the proper
ingredients. If by good fortune a debt be ready at hand, the
most is to be made of it. Stretch it and swell it to the utmost
the items will bear. Allow as many extra claims as decency will
permit. Assume all the debts of your neighbors --- in a word,
get as much debt as can be raked and scraped together, and when
you have got all you can, "advertise" for more, and have the
debt made as big as possible. This object being accomplished,
the next will be to make it as perpetual as possible; and the
next to that, to get it into as few hands as possible. The more
effectually to bring this about, modify the debt, complicate it,
divide it, subdivide it, subtract it, postpone it, let there be
one-third of two-thirds, and two-thirds of one-third, and
two-thirds of two-thirds; let there be 3 percents, and 4
percents, and 6 percents, and present 6 percents, and future 6
percents. To be brief, let the whole be such a mystery that a
few only can understand it; and let all possible opportunities
and informations fall in the way of these few, to clinch their
advantages over the many.

	7. It must not be forgotten that the members of the legislative
body are to have a deep stake in the game. This is an essential
point, and happily is attended with no difficulty. A sufficient
number, properly disposed, can alternately legislate and
speculate, and speculate and legislate, and buy and sell, and
sell and buy, until a due portion of the property of their
constituents has passed into their hands to give them an
interest against their constituents, and to ensure the part they
are to act. All this, however, must be carried on under cover of
the closest secrecy; and it is particularly lucky that dealings
in paper admit of more secrecy than any other. Should a
discovery take place, the whole plan may be blown up.

	8. The ways in which a great debt, so constituted and applied,
will contribute to the ultimate end in view are both numerous
and obvious. (1) The favorite few, thus possessed of it, whether
within or without the government, will feel the staunchest
fealty to it, and will go through thick and thin to support it
in all its oppressions and usurpations. (2) Their money will
give them consequence and influence, even among those who have
been tricked out of it. (3) They will be the readiest materials
that can be found for a hereditary aristocratic order, whenever
matters are ripe for one. (4) A great debt will require great
taxes; great taxes, many taxgatherers and other officers; and
all officers are auxiliaries of power. (5) Heavy taxes may
produce discontents; these may threaten resistance; and in
proportion to this danger will be the pretense for a standing
army to repel it. (6) A standing army, in its turn, will
increase the moral force of the government by means of its
appointments, and give it physical force by means of the sword,
thus doubly forwarding the main object.

	9. The management of a great funded debt and an extensive
system of taxes will afford a plea, not to be neglected, for
establishing a great incorporated bank. The use of such a
machine is well understood. If the Constitution, according to
its fair meaning, should not authorize it, so much the better.
Push it through by a forced meaning and you will get in the
bargain an admirable precedent for future misconstructions.

	In fashioning the bank, remember that it is to be made
particularly instrumental in enriching and aggrandizing the
elect few, who are to be called in due season to the honors and
felicities of the kingdom preparing for them, and who are the
pillars that must support it. It will be easy to throw the
benefit entirely into their hands, and to make it a solid
addition of 50, or 60, or 70 percent to their former capitals of
800 percent, or 900 percent, without costing them a shilling;
while it will be so difficult to explain to the people that this
gain of the few is at the cost of the many, that the contrary
may be boldly and safely pretended. The bank will be pregnant
with other important advantages. It will admit the same men to
be, at the same time, members of the bank and members of the
government. The two institutions will thus be soldered together,
and each made the stronger. Money will be put under the
direction of the government, and government under the direction
of money. To crown the whole, the bank will have a proper
interest in swelling and perpetuating the public debt and public
taxes, with all the blessings of both, because its agency and
its profits will be extended in exact proportion.

	10. "Divide and govern" is a maxim consecrated by the
experience of ages, and should be as familiar in its use to
every politician as the knife he carries in his pocket. In the
work here to be executed, the best effects may be produced by
this maxim, and with peculiar facility. An extensive republic
made up of lesser republics necessarily contains various sorts
of people, distinguished by local and other interests and
prejudices. Let the whole group be well examined in all its
parts and relations, geographical and political, metaphysical
and metaphorical; let there be first a northern and a southern
section, by a line running east and west, and then an eastern
and western section, by a line running north and south. By a
suitable nomenclature, the landholders cultivating different
articles can be discriminated from one another, all from the
class of merchants, and both from that of manufacturers.

	One of the subordinate republics may be represented as a
commercial state, another as a navigation state, another as a
manufacturing state, others as agricultural states; and although
the great body of the people in each be really agricultural, and
the other characters be more or less common to all, still it
will be politic to take advantage of such an arrangement. Should
the members of the great republic be of different sizes, and
subject to little jealousies on that account, another important
division will be ready formed to your hand. Add again the
divisions that may be carved out of personal interests,
political opinions, and local parties. With so convenient an
assortment of votes, especially with the help of the marked
ones, a majority may be packed for any question with as much
ease as the odd trick by an adroit gamester, and any measure
whatever be carried or defeated, as the great revolution to be
brought about may require.

	It is only necessary, therefore, to recommend that full use be
made of the resource; and to remark that, besides the direct
benefit to be drawn from these artificial divisions, they will
tend to smother the true and natural one, existing in all
societies, between the few who are always impatient of political
equality and the many who can never rise above it; between those
who are to mount to the prerogatives and those who are to be
saddled with the burdens of the hereditary government to be
introduced --- in one word, between the general mass of the
people, attached to their republican government and republican
interests, and the chosen band devoted to monarchy and Mammon.
It is of infinite importance that this distinction should be
kept out of sight. The success of the project absolutely
requires it.

	11. As soon as sufficient progress in the intended change shall
have been made, and the public mind duly prepared according to
the rules already laid down, it will be proper to venture on
another and a bolder step toward a removal of the constitutional
landmarks. Here the aid of the former encroachments and all the
other precedents and way-paving maneuvers will be called in of
course. But, in order to render success the more certain, it
will be of special moment to give the most plausible and popular
name that can be found to the power that is to be usurped. It
may be called, for example, a power for the common safety or the
public good, or, "the general welfare." If the people should not
be too much enlightened, the name will have a most imposing
effect. It will escape attention that it means, in fact, the
same thing with a power to do anything the government pleases
"in all cases whatsoever." To oppose the power may consequently
seem to the ignorant, and be called by the artful, opposing the
"general welfare," any may be cried down under that deception.

	As the people, however, may not run so readily into the snare
as might be wished, it will be prudent to bait it well with some
specious popular interest, such as the encouragement of
manufactures, or even of agriculture, taking due care not even
to mention any unpopular object to which the power is equally
applicable, such as religion, etc. By this contrivance,
particular classes of people may possibly be taken in who will
be a valuable reinforcement.

	With respect to the patronage of agriculture there is not
indeed much to be expected from it. It will be too quickly seen
through by the owners and tillers of the soil, that to tax them
with one hand and pay back a part only with the other is a
losing game on their side. From the power over manufactures more
is to be hoped. It will not be so easily perceived that the
premium bestowed may not be equal to the circuitous tax on
consumption which pays it. There are particular reasons, too,
for pushing the experiment on this class of citizens.

	(1) As they live in towns and can act together, it is of vast
consequence to gain them over to the interest of monarchy. (2)
If the power over them be once established, the government can
grant favors or monopolies, as it pleases; can raise or depress
this or that place, as it pleases; can gratify this or that
individual, as it pleases; in a word, by creating a dependence
in so numerous and important a class of citizens, it will
increase its own independence of every class and be more free to
pursue the grand object in contemplation. (3) The expense of
this operation will not in the end cost the government a
shilling, for the moment any branch of manufacture has been
brought to a state of tolerable maturity the exciseman will be
ready with his constable and his search warrant to demand a
reimbursement, and as much more can be squeezed out of the
article. All this, it is to be remembered, supposes that the
manufacturers will be weak enough to be cheated, in some
respects, out of their own interests, and wicked enough, in
others, to betray those of their fellow citizens; a supposition
that, if known, would totally mar the experiment. Great care,
therefore, must be taken to prevent it from leaking out.

	12. The expediency of seizing every occasion of external danger
for augmenting and perpetuating the standing military force is
too obvious to escape. So important is this matter that for any
loss or disaster whatever attending the national arms, there
will be ample consolation and compensation in the opportunity
for enlarging the establishment. A military defeat will become a
political victory, and the loss of a little vulgar blood
contribute to ennoble that which flows in the veins of our
future dukes and marquesses.

	13. The same prudence will improve the opportunity afforded by
an increase of military expenditures for perpetuating the taxes
required for them. If the inconsistency and absurdity of
establishing a perpetual tax for a temporary service should
produce any difficulty in the business, Rule 10 must be resorted
to. Throw in as many extraneous motives as will make up a
majority, and the thing is effected in an instant. What was
before evil will become good as easily as black could be made
white by the same magical operation.

	14. Throughout this great undertaking it will be wise to have
some particular model constantly in view. The work can then be
carried on more systematically, and every measure be fortified,
in the progress, by apt illustrations and authorities. Should
there exist a particular monarchy against which there are fewer
prejudices than against any other; should it contain a mixture
of the representative principle so as to present on one side the
semblance of a republican aspect; should it, moreover, have a
great, funded, complicated, irredeemable debt, with all the
apparatus and appurtenances of excises, banks, etc., upon that a
steady eye is to be kept. In all cases it will assist, and in
most its statute book will furnish a precise pattern by which
there may be cut out any moneyed or monarchical project that may
be wanted.

 

	15. As it is not to be expected that the change of a republic
into a monarchy, with the rapidity desired, can be carried
through without occasional suspicions and alarms, it will be
necessary to be prepared for such events. The best general rule
on the subject is to be taken from the example of crying "Stop
thief" first --- neithe	r lungs nor pens must be spared in
charging every man who whispers, or even thinks, that the
revolution on foot is meditated, with being himself an enemy to
the established government and meaning to overturn it. Let the
charge be reiterated and reverberated till at last such
confusion and uncertainty be produced that the people, being not
able to find out where the truth lies, withdraw their attention
from the contest.

	Many other rules of great wisdom and efficacy might be added;
but it is conceived that the above will be abundantly enough for
the purpose. This will certainly be the case if the people can
be either kept asleep so as not to discover, or be thrown into
artificial divisions so as not to resist, what is silently going
forward. Should it be found impossible, however, to prevent the
people from awakening and uniting; should all artificial
distinctions give way to the natural division between the lordly
minded few and the well-disposed many; should all who have
common interest make a common cause and show an inflexible
attachment to republicanism in opposition to a government of
monarchy and of money?

	Reprinted from The Annals of America.

	THE END.

-- 
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