From KALLISTE@delphi.comWed Oct  2 20:19:21 1996
Date: Wed, 02 Oct 1996 13:22:57 -0500 (EST)
From: KALLISTE@delphi.com
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Subject: The Coke Was Stored in Hangers 4 and 5

	   The Coke Was Stored in Hangers 4 and 5

		     by J. Orlin Grabbe

		"In Panama, we had 
		Noriega.  We knew he was 
		laundering money.  We 
		knew he was running dope.  
		But we went ahead and let 
		him.  When he didn't want 
		to play ball, we took him 
		out.  And guess what?  
		There's more banks in 
		Panama now laundering 
		money than when he was 
		there."--Celerino Juan 
		Castillo III

	 Celerino Juan Castillo III is a Texan and former 
Vietnam veteran who was hired by the DEA in 1979. 
>From October 1985 to 1990, he was assigned to 
Guatemala City, from which point he covered four 
countries--Belize, Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador.  

	He says he was told, "Cele, you're going to be 
covering El Salvador, but be careful, there's a covert 
operation being conducted by the White House, being run 
by Oliver North, at Ilo Pango Airport."  

	Later he discovered that the Ilo Pango Air Force 
Base in El Salvador was a storage and distribution center 
for cocaine.

		"Earlier part of '86 again I 
		received a cable from Sandy 
		Gonzales, DEA agent down 
		in Cost Rica.  He says, 'Cele 
		we got information that the 
		Contras are flying cocaine 
		into hangers four and five at 
		Ilo Pango.  Please check 
		and verify for us.  As it 
		turned out, hangar 4 and 5, 
		is owned and operated by 
		the CIA and it was run by 
		Felix Rodriquez, aka, Max 
		Gomez.' "
			
	Other CIA pilot sources have also confirmed to 
me that hangers four and five at Ilo Pango Air Force Base 
were used to store cocaine. Castillo himself says he 
"documented every pilot, just about every pilot that ran 
out of Ilo Pango.  . . . I took surveillance pictures . . .  I 
took the logs, tail numbers.  And they were all run into 
NADDIS."  

	NADDIS is the DEA's centralized computer bank 
which contains information about hundreds of thousands 
of suspected drug traffickers, as well as leads on drug 
operations and files on current investigations.  Also stored 
there are the details of arrests, as well as memos and 
teletypes received by the DEA.  (It was this system that 
was penetrated by the Cali cartel, with the help of the 
head of the FBI office in Bogota, Colombia. See 
"Colombian cartel mole burrowed into DEA computer 
files," The New York Post, August 22, 1996).

	At the U.S. end of the operation, Oliver North ran 
a series of secure facilities as head of the highly classified 
National Programs Office, or NPO (see my "Allegations 
Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking  Transactions 
Spying, Part XXX").  These were located not only at Mena, 
Arkansas; but also Fire Lakes, Nevada (which in the general 
vicinity of the atomic test range); Joppa, Missouri; and 
Iron Mountain, Texas.

	President Ronald Reagan appointed Oliver North 
as the secret head of this secret organization, and 
sometime in 1983, the NPO, which is organizationally 
part of the National Security Agency (NSA), became the 
effective administrator of a covert plan called Operation 
Black Eagle.      

	Operation Black Eagle became a network of 5000 
people who made possible the export of arms in the 
direction of Central America, and the import of drugs 
from the same direction.  According to Navy Lt. 
Commander Alexander Martin (ret.), he, as an assistant to 
Major General Richard Secord, worked closely with 
Oliver North, Richard Secord, Felix Rodriquez, and Jeb 
Bush (son of Vice-President Bush) in the operation.  
Different aspects of Black Eagle were consolidated under 
the office of the Vice President.

	The Mossad, as well as the CIA and NSA, was 
heavily involved in this operation. This perhaps explains 
why Accuracy in Media (AIM), which is an outlet for 
Mossad propaganda, has gone out of its way to attack the 
San Jose Mercury CIA cocaine story ("Dark Alliance," by 
Gary Webb).  The Mossad is trying to cover up its own 
intense involvement in the Central American arms-and-
drugs network.  

	The Mossad participation is discussed in the 
excellent Cocaine Politicis:  Drugs, Armies, and the CIA 
in Central America, by Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan 
Marshall:

		"...Richard Brenneke [is] a 
		self-styled arms dealer from 
		Portland, Oregon.  
		Brenneke told the [Kerry] 
		subcommitte that he 'was 
		asked by Mossad agents to 
		act as a purchasing agent for 
		the operation, and brokered 
		purchases of East-bloc 
		weapons out of 
		Czechoslovakia.'  He also 
		claimed that 'the same 
		planes used to ship the arms 
		were then used to fly 
		cocaine from Colombia 
		through Panama to the 
		United States in an 
		arrangement with the 
		Medellin cocaine cartel in 
		Colombia.'  Brenneke 
		asserted that he had been 
		recruited for this work in 
		1983 by the Guatemala-
		based Israeli arms dealer 
		Pesakh Ben-Or, who in turn 
		put him in touch with 
		[Bush's National Security 
		Adviser Donald] Gregg.

		"An investigative report by 
		ABC News fleshed out the 
		story, adding that Israel had 
		put up $20 million to 
		finance the [Noriega advisor 
		Michael] Harari operation.  
		It quoted one anonymous 
		pilot who allegedly flew 
		arms into Costa Rica and El 
		Salvador and drugs back to 
		the United States: 'I guess 
		you'd have to say at that 
		time, I felt my primary 
		employer was Israel.  
		Secondarily, my employer 
		was the U.S. of America.'  
		Brenneke, interviewed on 
		the same newscast, 
		explained, 'Typically, the 
		drugs were run through 
		Panama and into the United 
		States. The pilots were in 
		most cases working for the 
		cartels.  If the shipments 
		were extremely sensitive, 
		you'd see Israeli pilots and 
		aircraft' " (p. 74).

	The participation of Noriega advisor (and former 
Mossad agent) Michael Harari ensured that Israel got a 
piece of Ollie North's action.  As early as December 1983 
the Israelis were using a Panamanian CIA front company, 
IFMA Management Company, to funnel support to the 
Contras. Harari himself would later boast of his friendship 
with Donald Gregg, George Bush's national security 
advisor.

	The Kerry commission in 1988 asked for the 
declassification of 543 pages containing references to 
drugs and drug trafficking in the notebooks of Oliver 
North.  But most of this material was never made 
available.
	
	It's time to make the full North notebooks part of 
the public record, and to put Oliver North back on the 
witness stand.  His recent performance on the Larry King 
Live program had about as much credibility as Susan 
McDougal's.  

October 2, 1996
Web Page:  http://www.aci.net/kalliste/