From KALLISTE@delphi.comMon Oct 28 16:10:47 1996
Date: Mon, 28 Oct 1996 00:37:41 -0500 (EST)
From: KALLISTE@delphi.com
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Subject: The Starr Indictments II

		The Starr Indictments II

		  by J. Orlin Grabbe

	It looks like the mainstream media was right and I 
was wrong.  Though perhaps not for the reason they think.

	I had followed the progress of the Starr probe 
carefully and knew when the first (unannounced) 
indictment was handed down in Arkansas.  I also knew 
how angry Starr was at press reports he had "promised" 
not to announce anything prior to the November election, 
and how eager he was to get the indictment particulars out 
into the public domain.  I also knew of at least five people 
who were indictment targets.

	But there were two glitches that affected the 
original timing.  The first one was good:  more walk-in 
witnesses.  (More accurately, the witnesses were dragged 
in.)  Their testimony greatly improved the conviction 
probability of the charges against Hillary Rodham 
Clinton.  The second glitch was legal in nature.  An 
outside review of the indictments as signed by the grand 
juries both in Arkansas and New York made important 
criticisms of the wording.  So the indictments were 
rewritten both in Arkansas and New York earlier this 
month.  The revised indictments had to be re-presented to 
the grand juries.  But the revised versions had been signed 
in both locations by the end of day Friday, October 18.

	I anticipated the indictment particulars would be 
made public the following week.  But no news was 
forthcoming.  The first intimation I received there might 
be a change in plans was when an individual connected to 
the Starr investigation observed that the election wasn't 
really over until the state electors had cast their votes in 
December.  This was offered as a simple observation, 
without elaboration.

	The second indication was when the Fifth Column 
said they would not be giving Bob Dole a second 
incriminating financial package prior to the election.  (The 
first package induced Dole to resign from the Senate.)  
Explanation:  "So as to not be seen as playing politics."  
Of course, it wouldn't be playing partisan politics if 
Clinton and Dole went out together.

	The final indication was the incarceration of 
Charles Hayes in Kentucky.  Hayes had reminded me 
more than once:  "Before this is over, it's going to get 
rough.  Mark my words:  It's going to get rough."

	I knew how rough it had already become.  A silent 
war had been in existence for the past two months.  A 
committee formed under the Emergency Powers Act was 
negotiating with Bill Clinton over his resignation, and 
Clinton was using his powers as President to fight them 
every step of the way.  And I knew that this committee, 
not Starr, was in charge of the timing of the indictment 
announcements.  The committee was trying to deal with a 
Criminal Presidency, on a neutral bi-partisan basis--but to 
keep things silently in the background.  Hayes, as a 
participant in this fight, had deflected so many attempts 
on his life as to seem invulnerable.  His incarceration 
showed how massive the battle had become.

	Of course, it is times like this that give definition 
to the term "fair-weather friends".  But for the rest, here is 
what is important to keep in mind:  This is only a 
temporary setback.  It is not the end of the war.

	And battleship-size Roto-rooters have been 
prepared both for Bill Clinton and the U.S. Department of 
Justice.

October 27, 1996
Web Page:  http://www.aci.net/kalliste/